Scholarly surveys, discussions, and polls have consistently revealed a clear consensus: the leadership capacity of the founding generation—Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Franklin, Hamilton, and Madison—is unrivaled by any subsequent coterie of American statesmen. It is true that these same academic conversations reflect agreement that Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt stand atop the list of America’s greatest presidents, with founding chief executives such as Washington and Jefferson closely on their heels. But there is, it seems, no generation of political leaders across 250 years that is comparable to those who launched the American Revolution, drafted the Declaration of Independence, and wrote the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. The question, always, is why not?

This is not to suggest that the World War II generation is not our nation’s finest, for it very likely was, but only that the collection of political leaders who launched a revolution against monarchy conceived of a republican form of government and served as stewards of it through the early years of nationhood, exhibited a particular set of creative talents, skills, vision, and ingenuity that has not been matched since. To be clear, this is no slight against Lincoln—a man for the ages—whose own sense of historical responsibilities, remarkable leadership qualities, and steadfast belief in a government “of, by and for the people,” saved the Union, and commends him as the last of founders. Nor does it disregard the extraordinary, transformational leadership exhibited by Roosevelt, whose stewardship overcame the depths of the Great Depression, vanquished the fascists, and saved democracy. It is to say, rather, that the collective leadership of the founders commands a unique status in our nation’s history. 

Victory in the American Revolution did not exhaust the energies of the founding leaders, but rather inspired great achievements. Consider the far-reaching impact of just three of them. They launched an experiment, Alexander Hamilton wrote in Federalist No. 1, asking whether it was possible for people to govern themselves through reflection and choice, discussion and debate, or whether they must forever suffer the imposition of government upon them. This is what Lincoln meant when he asked, “whether any government so conceived and so dedicated can long endure.” 250 years after the Declaration of Independence, Americans are still testing the thesis.

In addition, the founders created an enduring republic across a huge land mass which, history suggested, was nearly impossible. The historical verdict was that a republic, based on popular consent, could work only if confined to a small area, such as the Greek city-states, and certainly not in a large nation with a booming population. The many regional interests and values, it was supposed, would undermine anything approaching a national consensus. The larger the nation, the greater the disputes. Madison’s genius for governmental innovation, highlighted by his injection of federalism, overcame the historical objections to the founders’ experiment.

Finally, the founders succeeded in creating a secular state, grounded on republican principles and values embraced by the citizenry that would create common consensus and purpose. Previously, it had been held that a viable government required state support of an established religion as a means necessary to instill shared religious beliefs that would bind a nation. The founders, however, were committed to the separation of church and state, a reflection of the presence in America of many different religions and religious beliefs, to be sure, but more importantly, a function of their understanding that religious freedom—a prized liberty—was better promoted and secured by keeping government out of religious matters. America, Madison and Jefferson hoped, could avoid the internecine religious strife that had plagued Europe for centuries. Historians have grappled with the question of how a remarkable collection of wise, talented, and creative leaders appeared, so to speak, on the scene at a pivotal moment that changed the course of American history. Answers are elusive. There is much to be said for the explanation that the colonists were swayed by the power of Thomas Paine’s incendiary pamphlet, “Common Sense” which, John Adams believed, had become “the common article” of faith. Monarchism was indefensible for a people who yearned for freedom and self-governance. There is much to be said, as well, for Arnold Toynbee’s view that crises create leaders. This, indeed, is a quintessentially America view—the abiding belief, a deep confidence, that the citizenry will rise to the occasion and meet the challenges of the moment. Any moment.